The datasets comprise 20–99 interviews each (1,147 total interviews). Each example elicits multiple responses from each individual in response to an open-ended question (“Name all the … you can think of”) or a question with probes (“What other … are there?”).
Data were obtained by contacting researchers who published analyses of free lists. Examples with 20 or more interviews were selected so that saturation could be examined incrementally through a range of sample sizes. Thirteen published examples were obtained on: illness terms [27 ] (in English and in Spanish); birds, flowers, and fabrics [28 ]; recreational/street drugs and fruits [29 ]; things mothers do (online, face-to-face, and written administration) and racial and ethnic groups [30 ] (online, face-to-face, and written administration). Fifteen unpublished classroom educational examples were obtained on: soda pops (Weller, n.d.); holidays (two replications), things that might appear in a living room, characteristics of a good leader (two replications), a good team (two replications), and a good team player (Johnson, n.d.); and bad words, industries (two replications), cultural industries (two replications), and scary things (Borgatti, n.d.). (Original data appear online inS1 Appendix The Original Data for the 28 Examples.)
Some interviews were face to face, some were written responses, and some were administered on-line. Investigators varied in their use of prompts, using nonspecific (What other … are there?), semantic (repeating prior responses and then asking for others), and/or alphabetic prompts (going through the alphabet and asking for others). Brewer [29 ] and Gravlee et al. [30 ] specifically examined the effect of prompting on response productivity, although the Brewer et al. examples in these analyses contain results before extensive prompting and the Gravlee et al. examples contain results after prompting. The 28 examples, their topic, source, sample size, the question used in the original data collection, and the three most frequently mentioned items appear inTable 1 . All data were collected and analyzed without personal identifying information.
Data were obtained by contacting researchers who published analyses of free lists. Examples with 20 or more interviews were selected so that saturation could be examined incrementally through a range of sample sizes. Thirteen published examples were obtained on: illness terms [27 ] (in English and in Spanish); birds, flowers, and fabrics [28 ]; recreational/street drugs and fruits [29 ]; things mothers do (online, face-to-face, and written administration) and racial and ethnic groups [30 ] (online, face-to-face, and written administration). Fifteen unpublished classroom educational examples were obtained on: soda pops (Weller, n.d.); holidays (two replications), things that might appear in a living room, characteristics of a good leader (two replications), a good team (two replications), and a good team player (Johnson, n.d.); and bad words, industries (two replications), cultural industries (two replications), and scary things (Borgatti, n.d.). (Original data appear online in
Some interviews were face to face, some were written responses, and some were administered on-line. Investigators varied in their use of prompts, using nonspecific (What other … are there?), semantic (repeating prior responses and then asking for others), and/or alphabetic prompts (going through the alphabet and asking for others). Brewer [29 ] and Gravlee et al. [30 ] specifically examined the effect of prompting on response productivity, although the Brewer et al. examples in these analyses contain results before extensive prompting and the Gravlee et al. examples contain results after prompting. The 28 examples, their topic, source, sample size, the question used in the original data collection, and the three most frequently mentioned items appear in
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